Japan and the 70th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference ―How should we engage with the Global South?

This year, 2025, marks 80 years since the end of World War II. In Japan, it is common to divide the 20th century into the "prewar" and "postwar" periods, centered around World War II. However, when considering the history of contemporary international politics, we should also recognize 2025 as another important milestone--the 70^th anniversary of the Bandung Conference (Asia-Africa Conference).

Held in April 1955, the Bandung Conference brought together 29 countries from Asia and Africa in Bandung, Indonesia. The participants declared their opposition to colonialism and called for solidarity among newly independent nations. Colonial rule had already been destabilized during World War II, and many new independent states had emerged. By raising their voices together, these nations sent a powerful message that international politics could no longer remain the exclusive domain of a handful of Western powers.

The contemporary significance of the Bandung Conference lies in its role as the origin of what is now referred to as the Global South. One of the key moments that brought Global South into frequent usage was the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. While many had expected the international community to stand united in condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine, voices from some Asian and African countries questioned the consistency of that position. These countries that showed inconsistency asked whether the invasion of Iraq led by the United States was fundamentally different from Russia's actions.

In the past, global economic leadership was discussed among the G7 nations; namely, Japan, the United States, and European powers. However, the G20 has taken on increasing prominence in recent years. As the influence of the advanced nations becomes more relative, renewed attention is being paid to how the global order is perceived by countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, which were once referred to as the Third World. This shift in focus has helped to propel Global South into common usage.

The current international order is fundamentally shaped by the concept of a sovereign state system. Nearly all territories and peoples across the world today belong to a sovereign state. Each of these sovereign states exercise exclusive authority over its domain. Conversely, people without a state find it difficult to have a voice in international affairs. This was precisely the situation of many Asian and African peoples before World War II, when they remained under colonial rule.

The problem of colonialism is often overlooked in Japan's prevailing historical framework, which divides the 20^th century into prewar and postwar periods. The process of decolonization began in earnest after World War II and remained a major point of contention in international politics up through the 1970s.

In the 1950s, when the Bandung Conference was held, colonialism still posed a real threat to newly independent nations. At the same time, there was urgent concern regarding how to respond to Cold War strategies of the United States and the ideological influence of the communist bloc. Faced with the possibility that their national survival was at stake, countries in similar positions sought solidarity and rejected both colonial domination and Cold War polarization. That was the fundamental aim of the Bandung Conference. Its legacy later continued through the Non-Aligned Movement and laid the groundwork for what eventually became known as the North-South Problem, which called for greater equity in the global economic order.

I have occasionally been told by researchers and journalists who have visited Bandung that one of my books is on display there. The site of the Bandung Conference is now a museum. It seems that my book, Bandung Conference and Japan's Return to Asia, is included in a museum exhibit titled "The Bandung Spirit Around the World."

Although this anecdote might sound impressive, the truth is that I personally donated the book during an earlier visit. Having written my master's thesis on the theme of Japan and the Bandung Conference, I had my long-held wish to visit the site in person.

At the time of my visit, the museum facilities were rather modest. After receiving a tour from a very kind staff member, I offered the museum a copy of the book based on my thesis. This offer led to an introduction to the museum director, and my donation was formally accepted. When the museum underwent major renovations ahead of the 50^th anniversary of the Bandung Conference in 2005, my book happened to be included among the exhibits.

I decided to make a second visit to Bandung when I heard that a large commemorative ceremony would be held for the 50^th anniversary of the Bandung Conference. The ceremony was attended by leaders from the original participating countries. Thanks to a friend's connection, I was able to stay at the home of a prominent local figure, a madam who was a former member of Indonesia parliament. This madam repeatedly praised the excellence of the speech given at the conference by Prime Minister Koizumi.

Koizumi's remarks echoed the 1995 Murayama Statement in affirming deep remorse and heartfelt apology for the tremendous damage and suffering caused by Japan's colonial rule and aggression. Despite the similar content, the madam was deeply moved by the clarity and sincerity with which Koizumi spoke.

On a different note, in 2005, China was the site of large-scale anti-Japan demonstrations triggered by Japan's bid for permanent membership on the United Nations Security Council. Japanese media coverage focused almost exclusively on the meeting which took place in Bandung between Prime Minister Koizumi and Chinese President Hu Jintao. In retrospect, this narrow framing by the Japanese media is most regrettable, as it failed to convey the broader historical and diplomatic significance of the 50^th anniversary event.

Looking back, the Bandung Conference was the first full-scale international gathering in which Japan participated after regaining its sovereignty in the postwar period. Japan welcomed the invitation to the conference as a golden opportunity for rejoining Asia, while the United States urged Japan to use the occasion to clearly align itself with the anti-communist, liberal camp.

Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama, who had ousted the long-dominant Shigeru Yoshida administration and promoted a more independent foreign policy, struggled with how to approach the conference. Ultimately, Japan decided to steer clear of political controversy and instead emphasized rebuilding economic relations with Asia. However, at that time, Japan lacked the economic power to fully realize such a strategy.

These difficulties Japan faced in navigating the diplomatic environment at the Bandung Conference are a kind of dilemma. The underlying factor to this dilemma could be the long-standing identity issue of Japan; specifically, its oscillation between "leaving Asia and joining the West" and "Asianism." This tension had dated back to the Meiji era.

After the Bandung Conference, Japan entered a period of rapid economic growth and strove for international recognition as an advanced country. Being accepted as a member of the G7 in the 1970s marked a major milestone in that trajectory.

However, in the early 21^st century, the relevance of the advanced nations as a group has become increasingly relative. For Japan, this shift is especially evident by the rise of its powerful neighbor, China. In this context, it is perhaps inevitable that Japanese discourse tends to focus on how to balance its position with respect to China.

Nevertheless, we must be cautious about framing everything in relation to China. Even discussions on the Global South often descend into consideration of the Global South as a geopolitical arena for countering China's influence. In this situation, it is truly important to understand how the present and past international order are perceived by the countries that make up the Global South. The history of colonialism plays a vital role in that perception.

The collapse of the Japanese colonial empire coincided with defeat in World War II. As a result, war and colonialism tend to be conflated in discussions of historical memory. However, the two are fundamentally distinct phenomena. The 70^th anniversary of the Bandung Conference provides a timely opportunity to revisit the colonial past and to adopt a historically grounded perspective that helps us understand the Global South's trajectory from non-alignment to the North-South Problem from within.